*抗議と退出 [#ccb7f71a]

赤松俊浩 ( 赤松クリニック : 神戸市東灘区 )
//赤松俊浩 ( 赤松クリニック : 神戸市東灘区 )

**医師会に入らない人達 [#gbf62f13]

レオナード J. ショッパ米バージニア大学準教授が、日本の構造改革について、フォーリン アフェアーズ誌 ( FOREIGN AFFAIRS, 2001 年 9 - 10 月号 ) で、アルバート ハーシュマン米プリンストン大学教授の「組織の衰退への対応 ( 退出するか制度内改革を目指すか )」を紹介し、次のように述べている。

>[[崩壊する「日本というシステム」:http://www.foreignaffairsj.co.jp/archive/yoshi/2001_09.htm]] [[( Japan, The Reluctant Reformer. Foreign Affairs Sept/Oct 2001, pp. 76-90. ):http://www.foreignaffairs.org/20010901faessay5571/leonard-j-schoppa/japan-the-reluctant-reformer.html]]

>いまや日本人は、日本のシステムからの「退出」路線を選ぶほうが、政府の政策を変えようと試みるよりも好ましいと確信しているようだ。

>運命共同体的な日本企業も二分され、競争力のある企業は自分だけのボートを保有するようになり、その結果、競争力のない企業が救済措置を求めて日本政府へ影響力を行使することにも異を唱えなくなった。

>日本の銀行や政府が、形ばかりの再建案と引き換えに、いまも債務まみれのゾンビ企業への新規融資や公共事業を提供するなか、競争力のある日本企業、老後を心配する市民、若い女性たちはこれまでの日本のシステムから退出しつつある。

また次のような話を紹介している。

>米国では地元の公立学校の質は親の熱意によって保たれているが、公立学校の対応が悪いと教育熱心な親の子弟が私立学校に流れてしまい、公立学校の質はどんどん低下していく。

組織でも国でも、不満を持って退出する場合と、組織の中で改善に動く場合がある。国レベルの退出なら、例えば個人なら選挙の棄権、企業なら海外脱出である。

医師の立場から、日本の医療をよくしたい、と思った場合、選挙で投票する、個人的に発言するのもよいが、政府に医師の立場からものが言えるのは、今のところ、医師会だけであることも重要なポイントである。企業の海外進出とは訳が違う。医師が医師会の外から政府に影響力を行使できるチャンスはほとんどない。

今の医師会、日本医師会も地方の医師会も、民主的に透明に運営されているか、全国の医師と医療のために活動しているか、はなはだ疑問ではあるが、医師会に参加しない、すなわち退出していたのではどうしようもない。組織内にいて組織内から改革 ( 抗議 ) していかずして、医師会に入らない人たちはどうしたいのであろうか。

**参考 [#s334ecb1]

-[[LEONARD J. SCHOPPA, JR. ( Woodrow Wilson Department of Politics, The University of Virginia ):http://www.people.virginia.edu/~ljs2k/cv.html]]
-[[COUNCIL ON FOREIGN RELATIONS ( FOREIGN AFFAIRS の発行元、米外交問題評議会 ):http://www.cfr.org/]]
-[[FOREIGN AFFAIRS JAPAN:http://www.foreignaffairsj.co.jp/]] [[( レオナード J. ショッパ 崩壊する「日本というシステム」 ):http://www.foreignaffairsj.co.jp/archive/yoshi/2001_09.htm]]
-[[Leonard Schoppa's Homepage:http://www.people.virginia.edu/~ljs2k/]] [[( Japan: The Reluctant Reformer [ pdf file, 2.6MB ] ):http://www.people.virginia.edu/~ljs2k/foreignaffairs.pdf]]

**全文 [#o2328f84]

Foreign Affairs 2001.9 - 10 http://www.foreignaffairs.org/

Japan, The Reluctant Reformer 
Leonard J. Schoppa
From Foreign Affairs, September/October 2001
Article preview: first 500 of 5,041 words total.

Summary:  For years the Japanese have weathered their country's ongoing recession with apparent stoicism. In fact, however, Japan's citizens have learned to find private solutions to their country's many ills, just as Japanese corporations have moved more and more of their operations overseas. But this trend has only driven Japan into deeper economic straits. If the country's charismatic new leader cannot push through fundamental reforms, capital flight and emigration could be the public's next moves.

Leonard J. Schoppa is Associate Professor in the Department of Government and Foreign Affairs at the University of Virginia. The author of Bargaining with Japan: What American Pressure Can and Cannot Do and Education Reform in Japan, he is currently writing a book about Japan's struggle to reform.

TOO MUCH OF A BAD THING
At the end of last year, Japan's citizens, having struggled for years with a bitter recession, were hit with still more bad news: another arbiter of international opinion had forecast their country's imminent decline. In its Global Trends 2015 report, the CIA predicted that, in view of China's ongoing rise, Japan "will have difficulty maintaining its current position as the world's third largest economy [after the United States and Europe]." Just a few months earlier, Japanese bonds had been demoted for the second consecutive time by Moody's, the U.S. credit-rating agency. After long enjoying Moody's highest rating, Japan's credit was now judged to be as risky as Portugal's.

Both stories made big news in Japan, as did the underlying problems that provoked such negative appraisals in the first place. Yet despite the widespread attention these economic woes received, the Japanese public remained strangely quiescent. This resignation has become a typical response to the ailing economy. Voters keep returning the long-dominant Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) to power, although it has presided over a decade of stagnant growth and sunk the government deep into debt. Japanese investors accept interest rates of less than one percent on their savings accounts, labor unions swallow pay cuts, and the business community watches meekly as the government's attempts to end the financial crisis fail to revive the nation's banks or alleviate the credit crunch.

Now Junichiro Koizumi, a "reformist" who became prime minister in April after the LDP elected him party leader, may finally break this pattern of resignation in the face of decline. But Koizumi's recent popularity should not be mistaken for a genuine, broad-based reform movement. The public appreciates the new prime minister's competence and openness, especially in contrast to the bungling and aloofness of his predecessor, Yoshiro Mori. And Koizumi has scored points by criticizing his party's habit of funneling subsidies to inefficient but well-connected sectors of the economy, such as public-works contractors. But public support for the kind of specific, painful reforms needed for Japan to turn its economy around remains only skin deep. Koizumi may manage to convert Japan's vague desire for change into the political capital he needs to overcome opposition within the LDP. But if instead he succumbs to the forces urging further delay, the Japanese public could just as quickly abandon him.

This points to a deeper question: Why have the Japanese put up with stagnation for so long? Why have they not demanded that their government do something to revive the economy and head off the national decline? After all, this is a society famous for facing dire challenges head-on. When American "black ships" forced Japan to accept unequal treaties in 1858, the country fought back by adopting reforms that catapulted it into the ranks of the great powers in less than 50 years. And after its devastating defeat in World War II, the country reinvented itself so effectively that just a few years ago it seemed poised to economically outpace the United States. What ...

End of preview: first 500 of 5,041 words total.



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